Being the progeny of a leader does not automatically entitle one to political inheritance. While regional leaders like Akhilesh Yadav and Tejaswi have carried out the mantle of the family after some internal tussle, they represent caste-based parties and have not deviated from their core votebase. In the case of Uddhav Thackeray, the challenge was to be the torchbearer of ideologies- Hindutva and nationalism- that Balasaheb espoused.
Despite contesting with BJP in 2019 and reaping the benefit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s charisma during the election campaign, Thackeray refused to back the saffron party’s nominee Devendra Fadnavis for the Chief Minister’s post. The uncharacteristic alliance struck with NCP and Congress- against whom Shiv Sena had fought that election as well as all the previous ones since its inception- was rightly seen as aimed at fulfilling Udhav’s desire to be chief minister.
Some have argued that Uddhav made this move as he felt BJP will gobble up the Shiv Sena support base in Maharashtra in the coming years as both advocate the same Hindu right-wing ideology and the saffron party was gradually overshadowing the latter. If that is the case, then the political developments since June 21 have made this threat over potent and imminent.
The ideal situation in November 2019 would have been for Uddhav to accept that the chief minister will be from the BJP. After all, BJP had won 106 seat out of 288 while Shiv Sena was at half the strength with 55 MLAs. Democracy is about numbers and the argument that Shiv Sena will continue to be the senior partner does not hold water.
The case of Bihar where Nitish Kumar has occupied the chief minister’s post is different as he has always been the face of the coalition, be it JDU’s alliance with BJP or with RJD and Congress. Even in this arrangement, Kumar is facing a daily challenge from the Bihar unit of BJP which would be happy to see his back.
In 2019, Shiv Sena could have given the Deputy CM post to Eknath Shinde and made Aditya Thackeray a minister in the Fadnavis government, thus ensuring the third generation of the family learnt the ropes of administration while preparing for the ripe moment to become the chief minister. If Uddhav had then tried to play mentor like his father, BJP and his own party would accept it provided he did not cross certain boundaries.
Lacking any administrative experience or even a mass following of his own, Uddhav was almost a babe in the woods during his chief ministership. The unprecedented Covid pandemic made the struggle harder for him. He came across as somebody who did not want to see the challenges at work in the eye.
Thackeray also made the mistake of believing he has inherited the charisma of Balasaheb and can conduct his politics in the same vein. He should have learnt from his cousin Raj, who made himself into a true copy of his uncle only to realise people are not impressed with duplicates.
Udhav’s last decisions before he announced that he is stepping down from the CM’s post are aimed at going back to Hindutva politics. The renaming of Aurangabad as Sambhajinagar and Osmanabad as Dharashiv will be remembered as hurriedly taken afterthought decisions.
What aggravated the situation that developed from deviating from the Hindutva ideology of the Shiv Sena was Udhav’s aloofness and distancing from the ordinary member of the party who would do anything for the organization. While deputy CM Ajit Pawar was available in office from early morning onwards, Udhav would not give an audience to even the die-hard Shiv Sainiks, according to sections of the party.
Mumbai’s demography and politics may have changed and require giving up some Sena practices- like attacking ‘outsiders’ and rebels/opponents- but any perceived compromise on the core ideology of Hindutva and hard nationalism will antagonise the dyed-in-the-wool Shiv Sainiks.
The right genes may get the second generation of leaders an initial break in politics but they will have to earn their spurs. Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi had to realise this the hard way and continue to struggle. Rahul will complete 20 years in politics in another two years in 2024 when the next general elections are due.
Rahul Gandhi’s coterie of babalog- some of whom have changed political colours- also had to go through the rigours and many are still struggling. For the likes of Akhilesh Yadav, Tejwasi, Sachin Pilot and Mehbooba Mufti, politics has not been a cakewalk. They have had to go through- and still continue to do so- the baptism by fire.
Even Sukhbir Badal, Umar Abdullah, KT Rama Rao and Hemant Soren- who have been lucky to be tutored in governance by the previous generation- have yet to prove that there is more to them than their surname.
With a political adversary like BJP that works 24*7 on winning elections and beating the opponent in the perception battle among the masses, these leaders have to up their game if they wish to survive politically.
History has taught us that governance is not an easy game and is definitely not for novices. Those who come with little else than a sense of entitlement will be forced out of their job.
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